So where are the posts condemning these abhorrent crimes committed by the white males? (Clue - there aren't any)That's the point. It doesn't fit with certain posters rhetoric.
Sorry about the length of the post, but it is an important issue.
I've read the report Orbs.
Personally I do think it veers slightly as a bit of a white wash in respect of specifically grooming gangs in Northern working class towns and the issue of the authorities turning a blind eye. I think the Home Office are guilty of not wanting to offend specific ethnic groups, and possibly to justify previous inaction.
The report is at pains to say that there is limited reliable data and to me that is a deliberate caveat to say that ' we' can't draw any conclusions".
Statistics.
Yes it is true...more white people are offenders....
the report is very vague in providing evidence about those working together
in gangs, as opposed to individuals. Then again that is to be expected in one sense there are more white people in the community. Instituionally, religious groups such as Catholic and C of E groups, seem to be a magnet for some and provide an opportunity to have access to children
But if you read the full report there are several references to half the groups or 25 % of the groups being oofPakistani origin...quite a significant statistic given the comparative total number across the country and the fact that they operate in small concentrated locations. And it does seem that the racial element involved is , in a sense, the other way round, there are examples of white young girls( not exclusively, but largely so, and vulnerable girls) being TARGETTED by older Pakistani men....I've not come across gang behaviour , the other way round.
All child abuse is wrong, but for me there is evidence that there is a specific problem with gangs of Pakistani men targeting white girls in northern working class towns. Why there aren't as many EE threads on white " gangs"... I think it is more difficult to see them as a specific group ( except the religious ones) within a predominantly white population and there doesn't seem to be any racial targeting nor geographical concentration.
some extracts
the available evidence is weak and robust data is scarce.
Some, but not all, members of the group wanted to see more explicit detail on
manifestations of group-based CSE when perpetrated by offenders from certain
communities, particularly Pakistani communities, given the involvement of
Pakistani-ethnic offenders in a number of high-profile cases and the recognised
need for specific responses to specific threats. In finalising the paper, we have
sought to be as specific as we can be, despite the lack of available evidence on
cultural drivers in particular.
Some studies suggest an over-representation of Black and Asian
offenders relative to the demographics of national populations.5 However, it is not
possible to conclude that this is representative of all group-based CSE offending.
This is due to issues such as data quality problems, the way the samples were
selected in studies, and the potential for bias and inaccuracies in the way that
ethnicity data is collected.6 During our conversations with police forces, we have
found that in the operations reflected, offender groups come from diverse
backgrounds, with each group being broadly ethnically homogenous.
Throughout our work on group-based CSE, and in common with other forms of
CSA, a consistent challenge has been the paucity of data. This lack of good quality
data limits what can be known about the characteristics of offenders, victims and
offending behaviour, as data is only available on the small proportion of known
cases.
Numerous high-profile cases have featured offenders employed in the night-time
economy: The Jay Report on Rotherham highlighted the role of taxis in offending45;
the Operation Span case in Rochdale focused on takeaways. As described in
paragraphs 112-113, initial contact between victims and offenders in this form of
offending is often situational, taking place in locations frequented by offenders, with
low levels of safeguarding. The representation of offenders employed in the nighttime economy is in keeping with this.
CEOP (2011) undertook a data collection with police forces, children’s
services and specialist providers from the voluntary sector, looking at those
allegedly involved in ‘street grooming’ and CSE. Data was returned on
approximately 2,300 possible offenders, but approximately 1,100 were
excluded from analysis due to a lack of basic information. In the remaining
1,200 cases, ethnicity data was unknown for 38% of them. Where data was
available 30% of offenders were White, while 28% were Asian {very disproportionate given the total population}
In 2013 CEOP undertook a second piece of work in this space. Data was
requested from all police forces in England and Wales on contact CSA, and
responses were received from 31. Of the 52 groups where data provided
was useable, half of the groups consisted of all Asian offenders, 11 were all
White offenders, 4 were all Black, and 2 were exclusively Arab. There were
nine groups where offenders came from a mix of ethnic backgrounds.
Looking at the offenders across all groups, of the 306 offenders 75% were
Asian. However, as with CEOP (2011) these figures should be treated with
caution due to the amount of missing data.
Lastly, the Police Foundation (Skidmore, 2016) looked at group-based CSE
in Bristol, and found that those from ethnic minority backgrounds were overrepresented compared to the local area. However, they note that this is
likely magnified by skewed and incomplete data.
While some of the research set out above suggests that there are high numbers of
offenders of Asian or Black ethnicities committing group-based CSE offences, it is
not possible to say whether these groups are over-represented in this type of
offending.